Trace the invasion 
				ok Kent. did anyone put up a fight?
		Caesar brought with him two legions for 
				his invasion of Britain and some 800 boats. Claudius brought 
				four legions and goodness know how many boats, probably more than 
				2000. Where Claudius 
				disembarked and the reason his landing was unopposed is still 
				debated but the belief is that it was near 
				
		Richborough 
				where there was a natural harbour and the River Stour runs into mudflats, marsh and then sea; and that the 
				Britons were expecting an invasion but got tired of waiting and 
				dispersed. The reason for the delay was a mutiny by the Roman 
				soldiers; they had mutinied in the past under Gaius and were now 
				again unruly and unready to cross the 'Ocean' fearing the 
				unknown. Whatever the reason the attack was delayed, perhaps 
				until May of 43AD, before three divisions (in three waves?) left Boulogne. Whether 
				the expedition landed in three places (i.e. Dover, Lympne or 
				West Sussex) is still disputed but largely dismissed; what 
				general would split his men and land on three different 
				beachheads miles apart? Claudius knew from Caesar's debacles 
		that he 
				needed to harbour his ships and Richborough was a likely place. 
				The mutiny had delayed the sailing of the fleet, the landing was unopposed 
				at Richborough although the Britons knew of the plan to invade. 
				Early Claudian defensive ditches are still in evidence at 
				Richborough (Rutipiae) on the site of the fort.
		Although the landing went ahead with 
				apparent ease Claudius could find no enemy to fight although there were two skirmishes in East Kent as 
		Aulus 
				Plautius led his men to Camulodunum, the 'capital'. Where they 
				battled in East Kent is not known but the Celtic leaders of the contacts were Togodumnus and
				Caratacus ( both sons of Cunobelin). These two were 
				easily beaten and they retreated to the Medway where they 
				re-grouped en masse, perhaps thousands, 
				to oppose a crossing of the Medway by the invaders. The route from Richborough 
				onward is again unknown but it seems likely Plautius first made his way to 
				Canterbury where there was a large Belgic settlement and where 
				he is said to have built a marching fort at
		 
				
		Harbledown (near Bigbury). The route to the Medway is 
		likely to have been the ancient trackway which was to become the Watling 
		Street. It has been suggested (and dismissed) that a Roman Fort of Claudian times 
		is in evidence in the 
				Faversham/Ospringe area and this is of course beside the ancient trackway.
		The Britons were amassed, waiting, at a Medway 
				crossing - this is where the decisive battle of Britain was to 
				take place. The site is believed to be not at 
				Aylesford but beneath Rochester where a Belgic settlement was 
				located (with its own mint), perhaps near the siting of the M2 motorway bridge. The Britons were confident that 
				they would hold the crossing but Plautius had a group of special 
				auxiliary troops (Batavi) trained in swimming with full gear. While 
				others of Plautius' men diverted the Britons somehow, the Batavi 
				swam the Medway and killed the Britons' horses so they were 
				unable to use their chariots. It was a hard fight involving Vespasian, his brother 
		Sabinus and one Geta 
				who distinguished himself. The battle unusually spanned two days 
				but eventually the Britons were routed and fell back to the Thames or Essex. Plautius followed.
		Crossing the Thames again 
				called for the expertise of the special auxiliaries. The 
				crossing place is unknown but may be the 'Pool of London'. While 
				they found their way across, one other detachment of men found a bridge 
				downstream and crossed the river there (at Thorney Island, Westminster?). The Britons north of 
				the Thames were thus attacked from two sides in a pincer movement, apparently. Plautius was 
				in a difficult position here for the ground was marshy with reed 
				beds and the area surrounded by woodland - he lost a few men in 
				guerrilla skirmishes and by drowning. Togodumnus was killed during one of 
				these clashes, perhaps under suspicious circumstances, Dio 60.21, 
				writes: "Shortly afterwards Togodumnus 
				perished, but the Britons, so far from yielding, united all the 
				more firmly to avenge his death. Because of this fact and 
				because of the difficulties he had encountered at the Thames, 
				Plautius became afraid, and instead of advancing any farther, 
				proceeded to guard what he had already won, and sent for 
				Claudius." Perhaps Togodumnus was 
				executed?  
		                                                                              
		 Read 
		Cassius Dio's text on Claudian Invasion
		For whatever reason, planned or otherwise, the Roman advance 
				stalled at this point. It must have been the beginning of July 
				and the Romans must have built a fortification in or near where
				Londinium was eventually to be as they called for 
				Claudius for the final onslaught. It was six weeks before
				Claudius (and his elephants) arrived in mid-August ready 
				to ride and capture Camulodunum. When Claudius arrived the march on into Essex continued with out any more 
				grand battles just guerrilla tactics from Caratacus who 
				seems to have eventually fled westwards to his heartland. 
		At Camulodunum Claudius 
				received the surrender of several tribes - "eleven British kings" 
				it read on his triumphal arch in Rome. These kings have not been 
		properly identified but the following are possible leaders: Cogidubnus, 
		Verica, Antedius, Bodvoc, Cartimandua, Corio, Volisius & Adminius. Claudius left Britain after 
		just sixteen days and took six months to journey through Gaul to 
				Rome to accept a Triumph and great acclaim - he had seized 
				Britannia for Rome.
		
		  What 
		is the archaeological evidence for invasion?
		
			- Claudian defensive ditches at Richborough 
						can still be seen. 
- The gold aurei coins 41/42AD hoard of 33 
						+ 1 Roman gold coins discovered in 1957 at
			
			Bredgar
			near Sittingbourne 
						by Watling Street (A2) now in the British Museum.  
Frere's book on these 
		coins: “…..was 
				too small to represent a subsidy to some native prince, but it 
				is too large to be the savings of and ordinary legionary 
				soldier; moreover, the coins show progressive decrease in wear 
				from the earliest to the latest, which suggests they represent a 
				cross-section of the currency…….. Such a large sum (three 
				months’ pay for a centurion) was probably the property of an 
				officer, concealed before some skirmish, and it reinforces the 
				view that the army passed north of the Downs by the route later 
				laid out as Watling Street.”  
		AD 43, John Manley's book 
				says:
"On 30 July 1957, ....33 gold aurei were found and a 
				subsequent search produced one further coin (Carson 1960). ... The coins 
				range from Julius Caesar to Claudius with the four latest issued 
				in the reign of Claudius in AD 41-2. The latest coins were in 
				mint condition but the earlier coins were worn. Since no native 
				coins were found with the hoard the find was associated with 
				Roman as opposed to indigenous ownership. Pay for an ordinary 
				centurion was about 150 aurei per year, and it was concluded 
				that the 34 aurei could well have represented the personal 
				savings of someone of the rank of centurion or upwards in the 
				legions which invaded Britain in 43AD." 
		
			
			Who ruled later 
				pre-roman kent, and who governed Roman Kent: what was the 
				difference between the systems and the rulers at local level?
		
		
		
		 After Caesar 
		in 54BC there was inter-tribal 
				rivalry and manoeuvring (maybe warfare) in Kent and the 
				southeast. Hundreds or thousands of men, one 
				assumes, had been lost during Caesar's invasions; this must have 
				had an impact on the food supply and the local economy, there must have been a great fear of 
				a Roman return. In the years 54BC-43AD between Caesar and 
		Claudius the Cassivellauni had 
				extended their influence not so much into Kent but in the area north and 
				west of the Thames. In aftermath of Caesar's departure 
				they had been warned by Rome not interfere with the territory of the Trinovantes but as time went on and there was 
				no sign of Roman protection they continued their expansionist 
		policy and took over Trinovante lands in 
				Essex.
After Caesar 
		in 54BC there was inter-tribal 
				rivalry and manoeuvring (maybe warfare) in Kent and the 
				southeast. Hundreds or thousands of men, one 
				assumes, had been lost during Caesar's invasions; this must have 
				had an impact on the food supply and the local economy, there must have been a great fear of 
				a Roman return. In the years 54BC-43AD between Caesar and 
		Claudius the Cassivellauni had 
				extended their influence not so much into Kent but in the area north and 
				west of the Thames. In aftermath of Caesar's departure 
				they had been warned by Rome not interfere with the territory of the Trinovantes but as time went on and there was 
				no sign of Roman protection they continued their expansionist 
		policy and took over Trinovante lands in 
				Essex.
		(Click right to see tribal tree)
		
		Tasciovanus and Cunobelin's coins of the 
		Cassivellauni bear the 
				mint mark of Camulodunum the Trinovante capital. Over the 
				period some ousted British 'kings' and princes had sought 
				sanctuary in Rome: Mandubracius (Trinovante) fled to 
				Caesar, Augustus writes in his Res Gestae that Dubnobellaunus 
				and Tincommius arrived as suppliants. In Tiberius' times
				Verica (Atrebate) was ruling in Calleva but fled 
				to Claudius in 43AD just before the invasion. Cunobelin took over control of Camulodunum 
		from Dubnobellaunus and he so increased 
				his control of Britain so that by the time of Tiberius, he, and the 
				Cattivellauni, seemed to have had control over Kent as well as Essex and 
				Hertfordshire. In fact, my reading shows that Cunobelin 
				is mentioned with respect to the tribes and tribal areas of the 
				Trinovantes, Cassivellauni and Cantiaci which might indicate 
				that not only was he on good terms with Rome but held sway over 
				a large part of the southeast - that perhaps a southeast proto-state was 
				forming. 
		
		 Further north other tribes were positioning themselves with Rome: 
		Prasutagus of the Iceni, Cartimandua of the confederation of 
		the Brigantes, Cogidubnus of the Atrebates and Bodocus the 
		leader from the Dobunni who prostrated himself (Dio) as soon as Claudius 
		arrived in Britain. After Cunobelin's death, his anti-Roman 
				sons Togodumnus and Caratacus, took over; 
		Togodumnus was soon killed as we have seen but Caratacus was to remain a 
		thorn in Rome's side for years to come.
Further north other tribes were positioning themselves with Rome: 
		Prasutagus of the Iceni, Cartimandua of the confederation of 
		the Brigantes, Cogidubnus of the Atrebates and Bodocus the 
		leader from the Dobunni who prostrated himself (Dio) as soon as Claudius 
		arrived in Britain. After Cunobelin's death, his anti-Roman 
				sons Togodumnus and Caratacus, took over; 
		Togodumnus was soon killed as we have seen but Caratacus was to remain a 
		thorn in Rome's side for years to come.
		
		The Romans after Claudius' conquest dealt 
				with the tribes of the southeast in different ways. If the 
				tribes had already aligned themselves with Rome, like the Iceni and 
		Trinovantes, would have been allowed to 
				remain as client kingdoms. Other tribes may have been cajoled, 
				threatened, disarmed and had hostages taken to ensure their 
				allegiance to Rome. Those still antagonistic to Roman rule were 
				pursued like Caratacus who fled west The Roman ideal in most cases 
				seems to have dealt with each situation on an ad hoc 
				basis. Kent, after Caesar, had not fared well as the 'centre of 
				gravity' of SE Britain had moved towards Camulodunum. In 
				Kent it is unclear who held sway at the time of the Conquest. 
				What is certain is that those (and/or their heirs) who had fled 
				to Rome in past, Adminius, Verica & Dubnobellaunus and 
				had been educated in the ways and language of Rome were likely 
				to take up important positions in the new province.
		
		The Roman satrap system of administration 
				was introduced into Britain. Britannia was the new Province, this 
		was divided into Colonia (with a substantial fort), then 
				Municipia with a Vicus as capital e.g. 
				Civitas Cantiacorum.
		The tribal areas were converted to civitates peregrinae, 
				that is, non-citizen cantons. In the south there were four after 
		the conquest: Cantiaci, Regni, 
				Cattivellauni, Trinovantes, with the Atrebates to the 
		west.  Administration of civitates 
				echoed Roman style - a council of curia made up of land 
				owners/aristocrats or decuriones. Since this was a 
				property qualification it is easy to see how tribal chiefs could 
				become the decuriones of a particular civitate. From the curia 
		came the elected ordo along with 
				a pair of magistrates or duoviri . The ordo of course was 
				responsible for tax collection. In this way Rome maintained its power and 
				the tribal elite kept their place in society and existing or new 
				tribal groupings could be incorporated into the new system. Cogidubnus, 
				a friend of Rome, was granted control over certain tribal areas.
		Aulus Plautius was recalled to Rome 
				to celebrate an ovation. The new governor of the new province of 
				Britannia was Ostorius Scapula who spent most of his time 
				pursuing Caratacus.
		NB. Propaganda - Wine & Beer: Trinovantes 
				allied to Rome - Verica (Regni) adopts vine leaf on coins. 
				Cassivellauni - Cunobelin shows barley ear on coinage.